The image of a rifle in the hands of a singer-songwriter is strange, but not when the one wielding it is Silvio Rodríguez, 79. The Cuban singer-songwriter has spent his entire life singing, directly or indirectly, about the Revolution, its leaders and its ideals; about the martyrs and the guerrillas. “There are politics in my songs, but not propaganda,” says the musician, who receives EL PAÍS on Wednesday at the Ojalá studios in Havana. He speaks of the government’s “orthodox and closed” vision in the economic sphere, and of his commitment to a less “rigid” socialism. “Socialism by the book is very idealistic,” he concludes. He doesn’t budge an inch on his opinion of the United States government: “The world is run by an authoritarian, warmongering, thieving regime. And it’s not Cuba.”
Adored by the left around the world and reviled by the opposition—who know him as “the regime’s troubadour”—he sits for a chat in front of guitars and a painting made by Cuban prisoners to whom he sang two decades ago, just a week after requesting an AKM rifle from the Armed Forces should Donald Trump militarily invade the island. “But it’s fake; a very well-made imitation,” he points out.
The intention to have to use a real one remains unchanged. “I’m not going to tell you what I think of those who want to see their own country bombed and invaded,” he says, alluding to the Cuban-Americans who support Trump’s foreign policy. “I don’t wish ill on the opposition, but I don’t want them to win. Not for my sake, but for what it would mean for this country.”
In Rodríguez’s legendary studio, where the likes of Chucho Valdés, Omara Portuondo, and Pablo Milanés, among others, have recorded music, one of his soon-to-be-released songs is playing. It’s one of dozens spread across more than 20 albums that have circled the globe, establishing him as one of Latin America’s most prestigious voices. “Counterfeit Cuban and original Cuban; insubordinate Cuban and editorial Cuban,” the song goes. He smiles, imagining a Cuba where dissenting voices also have a place. “The positive thing is that people have the opportunity to express their thoughts and that truths emerge from discussion and dialogue,” he says.
Despite the critical situation in his country, the author of anthems like “Ojalá,” “La Maza,” and “Unicornio” insists that despair has not taken hold of him. “I refuse to believe that the future will be one devoid of human feeling. If that were the case, life would be a failure. And I don’t believe it is.”
Question. Why did you request that an AKM rifle be delivered to you?
Answer. It’s a replica gun; a very well-made imitation, but they also gave me a document so that, in case of an armed attack on our country, I could go to a military unit and request a real weapon. To some extent, I come from the Armed Forces; I started playing guitar while doing my military service. When someone from there [Marco Rubio, the U.S. Secretary of State] said that what was being discussed between the Cuban and U.S. governments wasn’t enough, and immediately afterward their president said he was going to “take Cuba,” it seemed imminent to me. They had already done what they did in Venezuela, and they’re still bogged down with Iran. And I figured, “They’re coming,” so I wrote a short post on my blog, and I didn’t think it would have that kind of impact, to be honest. But it did. And so they gave me the replica gun.
Q. Do you see a scenario in which Trump takes over Cuba as likely?
A. I see it as possible. I hope it’s not imminent, I wish it was impossible, but it is possible. Especially given the extensive history of U.S. interventions, sabotage, invasions…
Q. Are there more Cubans willing to arm themselves like you if Trump invades the island?
A. I can’t guarantee it. The history of interventions and attempts to seize control of Cuba is very long. Those Cubans who know that history, who have lived through some of what I have, I’m sure would be willing to defend our country with weapons. Not all of them though.
Q. There are other Cubans who are crossing their fingers for the intervention to happen.
A. Yes, today I read that there was a demonstration in Miami by Cubans calling for the government to be overthrown by force, that is, practically calling for an invasion. I’m not going to tell you what I think of those who want their own country to be bombed and invaded.
Q. What do you think?
A. Imagine it…
Q. Cuba has received support from the Mexican government, but not from other countries in the region. Costa Rica and Ecuador withdrew their embassies from Cuba, and Jamaica and Honduras have closed their doors to the medical brigade… Is Latin America turning a blind eye?
A. The ones dominated by right-wing governments, obviously, yes. But that’s always been the case. Now, given the current climate of aggression in the world, many countries think it’s better to avoid provocation. It’s bitter that so much has been fought for Latin American unity, and suddenly there are countries that are selling out.
Q. In an interview with Rolling Stone magazine, you said you had never been disillusioned with the government or the revolution. Would you renew your vows?
A. Disillusioned? No, but I have my own opinions. The problem is that governments are made up of people, and each person, within their own sphere, does what they can or what they believe benefits them personally. Opportunism and extremism exist across all ideologies. I do believe that there are economic issues that we should have approached differently 30 years ago.
Q. In what sense?
A. The economic model dictated by “socialism by the book” is very idealistic. Practice has shown that people produce better and more when they can directly benefit from what they make. And so many bureaucratic hurdles are not advisable.
Q. Do you then consider the government’s economic measures beneficial?
A. Yes. A little late, because there are economists who have had a disagreement with the government for many years for that reason.
Q. Part of these measures are aimed at the Cuban diaspora, especially the one in Florida, where the main opponents of the government live.
A. That bothers me a little, because it may seem that these measures are the result of talks with the United States, but they have been discussed in Cuba for a long time.
Q. But the announcement came days after acknowledging that negotiations were underway…
A. But, I repeat, these are issues that have been raised in Cuba for many years. On my own blog, I’ve published countless articles by people who criticize the orthodox and closed-minded approach to economic issues.
Q. You were particularly critical of the government for the repression during the July 11 protests, when between 1,000 and 1,500 protesters were imprisoned.
A. I always said so. Law enforcement had to guarantee the safety of the protesters.
Q. Do you feel the same way about the current protests and pot-banging demonstrations against the government?
A. Yes. It’s normal, people are having a very hard time. There’s tremendous inflation; old people like me, with a lifetime of savings, sometimes can’t even buy a carton of eggs. That’s very serious. The situation in hospitals is extremely difficult. Schools are closing, universities are sending their scholarship recipients back to the provinces… All of this is due to the tightening of the blockade.
Q. Besides the blockade, what share of the responsibility falls to the government?
A. We would have more food if these economic [opening] measures had been taken decades ago. People in the countryside would be more resilient and have more resources to withstand the crisis.
Q. The Nuestra América convoy was labeled by the opposition as “ideological tourism.” What do you think?
A. I think it’s logical that those who want to destroy Cuba would give a derogatory name to these acts of solidarity. It’s part of a smear campaign we’ve been subjected to for many years. They talk about the regime and use those little terms that they like, but we all have regimes. Right now, the world is run by an authoritarian, warmongering, thieving, murderous regime. And it’s not Cuba.
Q. You speak of a media strategy, but there are dozens of journalists in exile who cannot return to the island.
A. It’s sad that the deepest truth is drowned out by so much slander. Cuba’s media strategy is also weak in this regard. Many respond to inhumane interests. Cuba has only tried to be a country where everyone has rights, can go to university, and receive any kind of surgery. We were flourishing for many years, but because we were communist, that label stuck with us. They call you a communist and it’s “ahh.” Has Cuba made mistakes? We’d have to see what we would have been like without the embargo. That’s another utopia. They didn’t allow us to see it.
Q. When the Revolution triumphed, you were 12 years old. You witnessed a functioning system and how it collapsed…
A. It was sad and alarming. Undoubtedly, this reluctance and suspicion to open up has always existed and has continued with this government, which defined itself as a government of “continuity.”
Q. Don’t you feel that way?
A. I have no way of judging what happens up there because I don’t know, but I do know that within the superstructure there are different ways of seeing things. There has always been a very quiet, unspoken conflict, one that doesn’t become public, between some who are more orthodox, more closed-minded, and others who are more open, with a more realistic outlook.
Q. Who is going to win the arm wrestling match?
A. We’ve been working on that for many years, but I like it when ideas circulate. The positive thing is that people have the opportunity to express what they think and that truths emerge from discussion and dialogue.
Q. Are you afraid of a complete opening?
A. The only thing missing is for them [the U.S.] to add Cuba as just another little star on their flag. I wouldn’t want that to happen with Cuba, not at all. The United States is a complex country, but one that must be taken into account because of its power and its “capacity for persuasion.”
Q. You are a figure who is both loved and hated. For some you are a symbol of the left and for others the “troubadour of the regime”…
A. They hate me [laughs]. There’s a song that goes, “They say they’ll drag me over rocks when the Revolution falls, that they’ll crush my hands…” That was because they once broke my guitar, and I heard that’s what they would do to us the day the Revolution fell. I’ve never hated anyone enough to wish something so terrible on them. I don’t wish ill on the opposition, but I don’t wish them victory. Not for my sake, but for what it would mean for this country.
Q. What do you think of artists who seek to separate their work from politics?
A. This has always existed. Cuba is a controversial topic even within the left, because there are people who behave like leftists but keep their positions regarding Cuba to themselves.
Q. Are you a radical person?
A. In some things. I’m aware of what’s going on. I have many political songs, but I haven’t used them for campaigning. I was never interested in being a politician; I prefer beauty.
Q. There are things that bring together beauty and politics. A few days ago, you admitted that you liked the song Lo que le pasó a Hawái, by Bad Bunny…
A. Yes, because what he did at the Super Bowl was very brave. I think he’s a brave guy for using his platform to promote that idea.
Q. Do you think Cuban youth have stopped being left-wing?
A. A generation born in an impoverished country like ours may not find reasons to believe in the country. That must be understood; circumstances have led them to think that way. But I refuse to believe that the future will be one devoid of human feeling. If that were the case, life would be a failure. And I don’t believe it is.
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