President Trump needs Congress to help him pass his agenda, but some of his more controversial moves may be getting in the way of his relationship with Republicans on Capitol Hill.
AILSA CHANG, HOST:
Well, after delays, infighting, and more delays, the Senate voted early this morning to fund ICE and Border Patrol until the end of President Trump’s term. This could have been easy for Republicans, but it turned into a protracted fight between Senate Republicans and the president. Congressional reporter Sam Gringlas and White House correspondent Franco Ordoñez have been reporting on how things got so complicated. Hello to both of you.
FRANCO ORDOÑEZ, BYLINE: Hello, Ailsa.
SAM GRINGLAS, BYLINE: Hey, Ailsa.
CHANG: Hey. OK, so this immigration bill passed even though there were some Republicans threatening that they would not vote for it because they had separate concerns about one of President Trump’s personal priorities, this separate fund that would compensate people claiming that they were victimized by the government, right? So, Sam, can you just talk about, what does all of this infighting say about Republicans right now? What do you think?
GRINGLAS: So there’s always been this small camp of Republicans willing to criticize the president. What I think this blowup did is reveal maybe more widespread frustrations below the surface. And it also tested how far those frustrated members are actually willing to go to push back. These tensions were already simmering as Trump started endorsing primary opponents to incumbent members of his own party this spring. But the thought of taxpayers possibly compensating January 6 rioters may have been a breaking point for a broader swath of lawmakers who lived through that day. Retiring Republican Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina also said the fund was a political liability.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
THOM TILLIS: You’re exposing every one of our members who are in cycle to having to deal with this between today and election day, and that makes no sense for something that the DOJ says they’re not moving forward with.
GRINGLAS: And so we saw a new group of detractors emerge like Dan Sullivan of Alaska and Jon Husted of Ohio. What do they have in common? They’re among the most vulnerable Republicans this fall. So not only did this anti-weaponization fund almost jeopardize a top priority of Trump in terms of immigration funding, it could also endanger Republicans’ ability to hold onto control of Congress.
CHANG: So if Trump knew that this was going to be a problem, even for his own party, why do it?
ORDOÑEZ: Well, I mean, as we’ve seen and as we’ve reported, Trump’s focus has been on other things – not on the legislation necessary, but on the retribution. I mean, he’s never really been a consensus builder. Even in his first campaign, he went after Republicans almost as much as he did Democrats. But for this to happen now before the midterms, I do think, is revealing, and it just demonstrates how Congress is not a priority for Trump.
CHANG: Well, speaking of the midterms, we have heard over and over again that Republicans need Trump to focus on the economy, right? So, Franco, what do you think? Has President Trump been doing that?
ORDOÑEZ: Well, I mean, he says he is, and his aides say he is, and they cite his tax policies, his trade work, his drug pricing efforts. But he’s also been traveling a bit. And there’s also been so much attention on Iran and also these legacy items, like the White House ballroom, fixing the reflecting pool. I mean, really, he’s been more interested in building things, kind of a physical legacy rather than a policy legacy. And I would say Americans have noticed. I mean, polls show people are souring on the president’s handling of the economy, including some Republicans. And it’s really not hard to see why, I mean, ’cause gas prices continue to rise to now more than $4 a gallon. Stuff’s expensive.
GRINGLAS: And that is frustrating to some Republicans in Congress. Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana – he went on the floor this week and chastised Trump for not spending his energy trying to do things like lower the cost of healthcare.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BILL CASSIDY: Mr. President. Mr. President Trump, get engaged.
CHANG: OK, so it’s clear that some congressional Republicans are pretty frustrated, but is this a sign of something more? Like, do you think this could be the beginning of a lame duck period for President Trump?
ORDOÑEZ: I mean, maybe, but I think it’s a little early to say that. I would actually, though, say that I think Trump looks at Congress as kind of existing in this perpetual lame duck period. I mean, he’s often criticizing Congress for moving too slow, for not being loyal enough, for failing to pass his priorities. I mean, really, much of his second term has been about expanding his executive power so that he could bypass Congress.
GRINGLAS: Yeah, and Congress has relinquished a lot of that power willingly. Though Trump still does technically need Congress. Just next week, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, or FISA, is expiring, and it is up to Congress to reauthorize it – something that Trump wants.
CHANG: Right. So Trump still needs Congress. But Franco, does it seem like President Trump is hearing some of this pushback from some congressional Republicans, like, actually acknowledging what they’re saying?
ORDOÑEZ: I mean, to a degree. I mean, one example, take the resistance to Trump’s pick to lead national intelligence. Republicans have raised concerns that Bill Polte has no intelligence experience and is known more as a Trump attack dog. Trump was actually asked about that pushback, and he said that Pulte was not going to be a permanent choice. That said, you know, there’s really nothing stopping Trump from keeping Pulte in that acting role indefinitely. I mean, he did that a lot in his first administration. So yes, he’s paying attention, and yes, he’s responding when he’s forced to. But I’ll just add, it is a rare occurrence and also limited in scope.
CHANG: OK. But then I guess my question is, are these tensions just another example of, you know, a momentary conflict within the party that eventually resolves when Republicans remember, oh, yeah, Trump is really, really popular with the party’s base?
GRINGLAS: Yeah, I do wonder, though, as members turn from this primary season to the November election, will more of them reevaluate whether loyalty to the president continues to be worth it? Though there was so much talk from Republicans about reining in this anti-weaponization fund, and a significant number did support amendments to do that. But when those amendments failed and push came to shove, they signed off on the immigration funding legislation anyway, and Trump got what he wanted.
ORDOÑEZ: You know, it’s pretty common for lawmakers to reevaluate their loyalty before the general election. But, I mean, like so many times before, Trump has been counted out only to emerge as influential as ever. I mean, he was written off after the 2020 election and after the January 6 riots. I mean, frankly, a lot could change in the next few months, especially if the war ends and gas prices go down. I mean, Trump could be looking at a much better political situation if the economy improves, and so would his influence.
CHANG: That is NPR White House correspondent Franco Ordoñez and NPR congressional reporter Sam Gringlas. Thank you to both of you.
ORDOÑEZ: Thank you.
GRINGLAS: You’re welcome.
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