By Raid Homs – Raid is a 24-year-old industrial engineer living in Barcelona and pursuing a Master’s degree in Neuroengineering at Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya
IT is the laziest assumption that has permeated Spanish politics for decades – if you are a minority, you vote left.
But a deep dive into the values of Spain’s 2.5 million Muslims reveals a startling reality that defies the stereotypes.
Far from being natural allies of the socialist PSOE or the far-left Sumar, the average Muslim voter in Spain is actually a fiscal conservative who believes in low taxes, the traditional family unit, and arguably most importantly for expats, the strict protection of private property.
In fact, for the thousands of homeowners plagued by the scourge of okupas, the Muslim community might just be the unlikely ally they never knew they had.
Under Islamic jurisprudence, the illegal occupation of property is strictly prohibited.
While the current government is often accused of being soft on squatters, the Islamic framework governing the lives of many new Spaniards offers zero tolerance for those who steal homes.
Any political party that promised to tackle the housing crisis through the means of legal and property rights would find fierce support here.
Yet, despite these shared values, the right prefers to ignore this open goal – and openly demonise their natural allies instead.
Data from 2024 shows there are approximately 800,000 Muslim citizens with the right to vote in Spain.
In a fractured parliamentary system, that translates to roughly 11 seats in the Congress of Deputies.
That is a ‘kingmaker’ number that could easily swing a general election.
So why aren’t they voting for the Partido Popular (PP) or Vox?
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The answer lies in a single, clumsy friction point: immigration rhetoric.
The vast majority of Muslims in Spain are immigrants or the children of immigrants.
When right-wing parties rely on broad-brush speech that likes to portray foreigners from Africa and the Middle East as a threat to security or freeloaders on public services, vast reams of natural conservative voters are instantly alienated.
They stop listening to the policies on lower taxes and safer streets, and only hear that they are not welcome.
But look past the rhetoric, and the alignment is undeniable. Take taxation.
For over 1,400 years, the Muslim world has operated on zakat, a mandatory form of social tithe set at 2.5% of assets.
This creates a voter base that is not opposed to contributing to society but is culturally accustomed to a specific, manageable tax burden rather than the spiralling fiscal pressure often favoured by the left.
Then there is the issue of crime.
The stereotype that Muslim communities are soft on law and order – or even the cause of crime – is demonstrably false.
Community leaders are often the first to demand that criminals be deported if their behaviour stigmatises the honest majority.
They want safe streets for their families just as much as the retired couple on the Costa del Sol.
On social issues, the overlap with traditional Catholic values is striking.
Both communities view the family as the non-negotiable core of society.
Both hold conservative views on abortion, seeing it as an exception for extreme circumstances rather than a standard right.
There is often a more natural understanding between a devout Christian and a devout Muslim than there is between a believer and a militant secularist.
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The current political map of Spain is leaving 11 seats on the table.
If the right could moderate its tone on immigration — focusing on border control without slipping into xenophobia — it could unlock a massive, dormant bank of voters to swing elections – and with it the course of Spain.
It would require a shift in strategy, moving away from ‘culture war’ talking points to focus on shared interests: security, legality, responsible taxation, and religious freedom.
Until then, Spain’s Muslims remain a politically homeless demographic, and the squatters remain comfortable in occupied homes that both communities wish were empty.
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